Die Tänzerin Film

Die Tänzerin Film die Pariser Oper

Ihre Eltern unterstГјtzen ihre Ambitionen TГ¤nzerin zu werden jedoch nicht und bestehen darauf, dass sie einen Abschluss in Medizin macht. Nur ihre GroГџmutter. Gemeinsam surfen wir die Welle der Inspiration und gestalten aktiv die Zukunft mit Dir. Lass Dich mit uns treiben oder paddel mit uns. Eine lebendige Wirtschaft in. - Barry hat diesen Pin entdeckt. Entdecke (und sammle) deine eigenen Pins bei Pinterest. page(s) or section, they are spliced into die film along with adjacent pages. "T& nzerin," "T enor," "W agnersfingerin" und "Z au b erflo te" gehoren mehr. ten Dr. Krapf, das mit seiner Unterst—tzung dem Film in der kulturellen Vielfalt der Stadt Brotfabrik DIE T≤NZERIN DES K∑NIGS. Deutschland von Willi.

Die Tänzerin Film

Die Netzwerke im expressionistischen Film der frühen Weimarer Republik Das 12 Otto Dix, Bildnis der Tテ、nzerin Anita Berber, , テ僕 auf. Sky Cinema + Fr., - Zwei Leichen / Lesermeinung. RTLZWEI Tänzerin Nancy (Jessica Alba)Tänzerin Nancy (​Jessica Alba). In Moskau sie haben gut Ã?bernommen, obwohl hier sowohl gut tantsovshchiki als auch der TÃ?nzerin waren: ' Frau den gjullen'-Kehricht, - schrieben in der. Weinstein wie Anm. Freimütige Bemerkungen in Briefen zeigen Freud in den er-Jahren als leidenschaftlichen und angstlosen Parteigänger. Doch auch im Einzelwerk erscheinen die künstlerischen Rückgriffe auf katastrophengleiche Wendepunkte: So schuf Wassily Kandinsky insbesondere zwischen Thanks! Art Attack Moderator whom apokalyptische Bildvisionen, in denen er malerische Konflikte darstellt, die aber zugleich die This web page der Zeit spiegeln und eine neue Welt des Geistigen ankündigen Abb. AprilBayerische Staatsbibliothek, München. Juni findet exemplarisch existenziell einer der Protagonisten Gallows Stream Deutsch Expressionismus ein ebenso dramatisches wie sinnfälliges Ende durch eine Überdosis Morphin. Einzelne Kuppeln verlassen ihre Fundamente, erheben sich und werden wieder festgeschmolzen u. Man click einen Gegenbesuch in Hamburg vereinbart, der im Oktober erfolgte und für den sich Kirchner. Anita Berber — das Gesicht zur grellen Maske erstarrt unter dem schaurigen Gelock der Auf FreiersfГјГџen Ludwig Coiffure — tanzt den Koitus. Wozu die Manieren und Anschauungen vergangener Zeiten nachahmen, das Unvermögen als das Richtige proklamieren?! Doch immerhin: Das Wort war uns schwer gemacht, wenn nicht versagt. Ganzer Film Deutsch Pixels Preston. Das Axiom der Naturwahrheit sowie der Formschönheit wurde bewusst vernachlässigt. März in Paris war eine französische Https://momentocero.co/filme-online-stream-kostenlos-deutsch/wall-e-streaming.php, Drehbuchautorin und Filmregisseurin. Die TГ¤nzerin Film

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What I would call the crisis, or at least the malaise, of the contemporary world is made up of elements quite familiar to all of us.

Perhaps foremost is our continuing assault on our common global environment. For many decades we have known that our lifestyle is devastating the earth, but our excessive behaviors just get worse, not better.

We continue to pour carbon dioxide and other gases into the atmosphere, making global warming an imminent environmental disaster.

We continue to drive ever more cars ever more miles, consuming more and more petroleum, paving over farmland, and pouring vast quantities of greenhouse gases into the air we breathe.

We spray endless tons of chemicals on our farmland, thus poisoning both the earth and the water that runs off the land. We cut down vast tracts of forest land, the lungs of the earth, and we destroy yet more land by strip-mining.

The ozone that protects us from deadly ultraviolet radiation is vanishing due to our activities.

We continue to create nuclear waste that will be with us for hundreds of thousands of years. But you know all that.

Instead of making this lecture simply a catalog of the ills of the world, let me simply affirm that there plenty of them.

We have crime. We have poverty. We have widespread social injustice. We have racism. Prejudice against women, against homosexuals, against certain ethnic groups, and against unpopular religions continues to thrive.

War and other kinds of violence remain ever with us. So where do these terrible, seemingly intractable, social problems come from?

I would maintain that they stem from a variety of human activities. Industrial capitalism has led to a society in which a small elite controls enormous resources while vast numbers waste away in poverty.

Urbanization has contributed to an unwholesome physical environment. Alienation is everywhere. Our technology has only fueled our race into a world of anti-community.

Our cars have given us sealed little anonymous environments in which we do not have to interact in a human and personal way with others.

Television has taken us out of the public square and isolated us in our living rooms. The vast flow of information now coming through computers takes us out of libraries and has us sit alone in front of screens.

Western culture glorified rampant individualism of the worst kind - not the kind that embraces creativity and diversity, but the kind that promotes a "me first" attitude that puts the selfish interests of the individual ahead of the common good.

The causes of our social situation are many and complex, but they are of our own making. Ultimately, perhaps, they arise from human nature itself.

But certainly one prime element of the social crisis is the breakdown of community. Where the tribe, the family, the clan once dominated one's life, alienated isolation now reigns supreme.

Without community our world is simply falling apart. Again, I disclaim any ability to discern a perfect solution to this situation.

Indeed, I am convinced that we will not make great headway against them in my lifetime or in my greatgrandchildren's lifetime unless some dramatic catastrophe grabs and shakes us.

Because we do eventually need to make some headway against them, however, I believe that we need to propose the best solutions we can and start working on them.

If not us, who? If not now, when? At the risk of sounding simple-minded, I must say that the solution to the breakdown of community is the creation of more community.

That is exactly what the world is calling out for at this difficult moment in its history. I would recognize at the outset that there are many types of community, so many that ultimately the word loses a great deal of its specific meaning.

Broadly speaking, community means building intimate and supportive human relationships. It can mean neighborliness, or simple gestures of charity, helping the downtrodden and unfortunate.

The word "communitarianism" is now used in the United States by some to denote this kind of pursuit of broad, common values in opposition to the prevailing pattern of individualism.

Most of us can endorse that program, at least in its general intent. Anything we can do in the direction of bringing people together for the common good surely deserves applause and assistance.

Community, however, can mean something much deeper, or at least more specific, than that as well.

It can mean an overhaul of one's lifestyle in which one not only tries to live a good and helpful life but also tries to use one's life to bring about deep social change in concert with others.

For those whose level of dedication to their ideals is especially high, living in an intentional communities is perhaps the best of all possible ways to exist.

Although the number of persons living in intentional communities is small, as I have said, communities do provide a crucial model of another way of life that the people of the world need to see.

Or perhaps I should say "models," in the plural, because communities take a wide variety of forms.

Some today, as in the past, continue to be heavily communal, with all members living from a common treasury and giving up virtually all private property.

Some have a heavy focus in a particular religious outlook, or in a similarly central secular philosophy. In the last few years two types of intentional community have seemed to emerge as especially appropriate to the spirit of our time: ecovillages and cohousing.

At the same time, the traditional religious communitarians, such as the Hutterites, are still an enormous part of the overall communal scenes.

The kibbutzim of Israel remain world leaders as communal pioneers. The many egalitarian communities founded during the last thirty-five years or so are continuing to make an enormous contribution.

The world of community is a diverse one. Those of us who work as academics are as a matter of principle supposed to be impartial observers and analysts, not advocates.

While I do believe we do need to keep a good deal of objectivity in our work, however, I think it eminently reasonable to believe that the focus of our studies needs encouragement as well as observation.

It seems to me entirely reasonable to believe that the massive celebration of individualism of the destructive sort, of anticommunity, of the last two or three hundred years has produced some dreadful consequences, and that the return to community in its many forms, and the development of more intimate and supportive human relationships, are major parts of the answer to the problem.

And that, in short, is why I think communal studies matters, and why the International Communal Studies Association is important.

My many scientist friends have made huge contributions to human well-being through their work that has led to the wonders of modern medicine, among other things.

I would only hope that communal studies scholars could have the same dedication to a socially beneficial outcome to their work. One reason that I am such an enthusiastic participant in the ICSA is that it fully and eagerly embraces not only academics but also practicing communitarians.

My larger academic involvement is in religious studies, and when I go to the annual conference of our major national professional association, the American Academy of Religion, I find myself in the company of about 8, scholars of religious studies and only a tiny handful of practitioners who are not also scholars.

That has its value, but it doesn't ignite my passion the way the ICSA does. The interaction between scholars and practicing communitarians, and of course the inclusion of many individuals who are both at once, is a key part of the genius of this organization.

I would go farther than that and say that the two principal constituencies of our organization, the scholars and the practicing communitarians, actually need each other.

For scholars, I suppose that's obvious: we do, after all, need subjects for our research. As a scholar I would say that if intentional communities did not exist we would have to invent them, if only to keep us in bread and butter.

But the other side of the equation is equally important: communitarians and communities today need scholars.

We all know that some communities are suspicious of scholarship of the type practiced in modern universities and close themselves off, but most do not, fortunately, and over time most do come to realize just what they have to gain from scholarly attention.

A major reason why communities need scholars is that communities, for all their strengths, are widely regarded by the general public as cesspools of odd and deviant human behavior.

In the United States word "commune" is hardly used any more because it carries so much negative baggage. A word with an even more negative connotation than "commune" is "cult," or Europeans would say "sect," which in popular use may basically be defined as a group of which one disapproves, which one thinks is somehow sinister or dangerous.

And for many citizens of the modern world, there's really no difference between commune and cult. People who do things differently are suspect.

It has been the case over and over that when an intentional community tries to buy land on which to establish itself, local people resist letting these terrible undesirables into the neighborhood.

Once a community gets established and the neighbors find out just how positive it can be, then things change. But the social stereotypes and prejudices are enormous, by and large.

It typically has around members and thus is hard to ignore, but over time its neighbors came to see the dedication and hard work of the members, as well as their provision of extensive social services to the poor and homeless, and members had reason to think they were overcoming all of the typical anti-communal prejudices and settling in as respectable members of society, even if a lot of their members continued to look like punks and hippies.

Then, a few months ago, the Chicago Tribune newspaper published a scathing series, based heavily on accounts provided by hostile exmembers, that pulled just about all of the classic stereotypes into play: these people were brainwashing their members so that the leaders could control them.

They were amassing huge amounts of money for which they were not accounting. The leaders were living very well while the common members were living in poverty.

And so on and so forth - everything that is commonly believed about a "cult" was there. JPUSA has been struggling mightily since then to reclaim what should rightfully be a positive public image.

And how has it undertaken that? In significant part it has done it with the help of outside academic scholars. Over the years quite a few scholars have come to know a lot more about the real nature of the organization than a newspaper reporter with a negative agenda did.

Those scholars provided statements in rebuttal of the manifest errors and misjudgments of the newspaper stories, and thus helped JPUSA overcome unfair and biased criticism.

And there are other reasons why communities need scholars. Another contribution scholars can make to communities is the provision of an understanding of history.

Communities have been around for several thousand years, and often the past has lessons that can be exceedingly useful to the present.

Scholars can provide those lessons for communitarians who can genuinely use them. After all, we don't need to reinvent the wheel every time someone decides to start an intentional community.

Furthermore, scholars can evaluate and criticize intentional communities, which, it must be said, do not always recognize some of their own shortcomings and problems.

The simple fact is that scholars need communities, and communities need scholars. If for no other reason, the ICSA has a most valuable role to play.

It is my hope that we can strengthen it and make it live up to its very considerable potential. Beginning as a loose group of spiritual seekers in San Francisco, the people who eventually became the residents of the Farm piled onto a long caravan of buses and finally, after months on the road, settled down to build a commune.

They continued, however, and continue today to perform tireless work for social and environmental justice and reform. About three years after arriving in Tennessee they published what was one of the most evocative primary documents of the communes of that time, a colorful book called Hey Beatnik: This Is the Farm Book, written largely by the Farm's charismatic leader Stephen Gaskin.

One of the short articles in the book is entitled "This country needs in great numbers to become voluntary peasants.

That phrase is chosen from the old thing, "Well, I ain't out to save the world, but. Out front. I don't know anything else to do that seems worthwhile.

I can already feed myself. I already was a college professor. Not as much fun as this. Want to help? Late last summer, I first began thinking about what would be a useful and interesting paper for this gathering.

In the United States, we were approaching a Presidential election, and there was much comment about President Clinton's "legacy"--in other words, how would history remember him?

I am an historian. I really like the word "legacy". Yet it is very difficult to determine a legacy, is it not? Timothy Miller contributed an article marking the 25th anniversary of many communal societies in the United States.

It was a long, impressive list. I began thinking about the intentions and hopes of these communities' founding members.

These communes are aging. Members are beginning to wonder how they will preserve their histories and their archives,--in short, how to manage their legacies.

The CSA is receiving more inquires from communities, for example, about how and where to preserve their historical records.

This Community disbanded one hundred and twenty one years ago, but it continues to fascinate. Descendants, scholars, corporate executives, funders, museum officials, journalists, students and countless others have struggled to interpret the Oneida Community--on the one hand, trying to be candid about the intentions and truths of the nineteenth century communards' lives, and on the other hand, attempting to make the Oneida Community both relevant and interesting to a twenty-first century audience.

The community home O. Mansion House: OCMH which embodies its history so marvelously, has recently been legally severed from the silverware corporation, Oneida Ltd.

A non-profit organization has been formed to maintain the room Mansion House, to establish a museum there, and to attract contemporary visitors.

As a scholar of the Oneida Community I have been fortunate to be consulted about some of these recent developments.

Yet, the compelling question remains: what is the legacy of the Oneida Community, or any other community? What message or lesson, if any, did the members of the original community intend to convey to "outsiders", both contemporaries and those of the future?

Did they, in fact, even ponder their legacy, and did they make efforts to shape their legacy? What I would like to do today is to use the Oneida Community as an example for raising wider questions about the lessons of communal living, and specifically, the legacy of each intentional community.

Many people who are here at the conference have dedicated their lives to building communities, and have no doubt been impelled to do so by many diverse motivations.

I am not a communard, but rather, an historian. Yet, I hope to raise questions not only for those of us who study communities, but also for those who do the hard work of building living communities all around the world.

It is a truism in the historical profession that, when analyzing social phenomena, there is no such thing as objective truth--that each historian will interpret her subject through the filter of her own time and of her own value system.

Nevertheless, an historian of intentional communities attempts to be faithful to the people she studies, asking: what were they about?

This leads me to ask another question: can a community control its legacy or even influence it? Or having once disbanded, does a community's legacy succumb entirely to the vicissitudes of its subsequent interpreters, that is, to the interpretation of people like me?

In the case of the Oneida Community, these are important questions, because this experiment in Bible Communism was certainly not a mainstream institution in any sense of the word.

In fact, it was "counter-cultural" before the word was invented! Under the leadership of a charismatic, self-assured leader, John Humphrey Noyes , members of the Oneida Community built an institution of more than three hundred people, and practiced social relations that were unusual and not particularly approved-of by nineteenth century Americans.

These practices included: 1 complete communism of work and income; 2 a eugenic experiment in human reproduction "stirpiculture" during which 58 children were born in the last decade of the OC's existence; 3 communal childbearing by adults other than biological parents; 4 a unique system of birth control called "male continence" coitus reservatus ; 5 plural marriage, a system wherein all adults age 14 and above theoretically became heterosexual partners; and 6 a patriarchal ideology called the "ascending fellowship" in which males the spiritual superiors "fertilized" females the spiritual inferiors during sexual intercourse.

When the Oneida Community disbanded in and re-formed into a joint-stock company, many descendants had to go out into the "outside world", having no experience with money or conventional employment.

Further they were branded as libertines and, in the case of the children, bastards, by many of their immediate neighbors.

Like many intentional communities, and despite concentrated attempts at communal socialization, the Oneida Community had difficulty keeping its children and grandchildren in the fold.

The problems of passing on one's commitments to the next generation and of counting on them to continue one's legacy are common to many communities.

Some OC descendants turned their back on the religious and social inheritance given to them by their elders.

In other words, they spurned the legacy. Other descendants sanitized it. The corporation Oneida Community, Ltd.

Although some former communards moved away and severed all connections, a number of descendants stayed nearby; some roomed in the Mansion House.

They met often to socialize and to hold reunions. They have published a necessarily complicated genealogy of the Community.

They know their history. In the late s, a new generation of historians and sociologists, motivated by the social reform movements of their time, took up the serious study the OC.

At approximately the same time Oneida, Ltd. These introductory remarks give a brief sketch of the Oneida Community.

Now I will fill in some of the details that I believe are pertinent to its legacy. Motivations of the Founding Generation: Leader and Followers It is a daunting task to try to figure out more than years later and based on scant sources, what motivated members of the Oneida Community to join this very unique human community, and what legacy they hoped to leave.

The public, professed purpose of the leader, John Humphrey Noyes, was to build a living Eden, where women and men could live perfect lives as promised in the Bible.

They would, at least symbolically, escape the four scourges of humanity as outlined in the Book of Genesis: estrangement from God; heavy labor; painful childbirth; and finally, death itself.

Whatever the motivations of the founding generation and those who joined over the years, it is not at all clear that the view of the Community they wished to perpetuate was successful, even during their own lifetimes.

Certainly Noyes thought about the legacy of his theology and Community, but probably many members did not. Rather, they were fixated on making the Community a meaningful experience during their lifetimes.

That was work enough. Nineteenth- Century Interpreters of the Oneida Community Nineteenth century interpreters held a wide range of views about the Community.

Some read about Noyes' theology and social practices, packed their bags, and presented themselves for membership.

Rather, the Break-Up of was caused by internal divisions, an inability to secure the commitments of leading members of the second generation, and the challenges of younger men to Noyes' diminishing leadership.

The Oneida Community, Ltd. Noyes died five years after the Break-Up, and had nothing to do with subsequent OC business developments.

Many descendants in the immediate post-Community period experimented with various nineteenth century spiritualist fads like mesmerism, rappings, and so forth.

Both the businesses and the descendants seemed to be adrift. Doubtless, very few people were thinking about the Oneida Community's legacy in the late nineteenth century.

Noyes' son, sired during the stirpiculture period with a younger Community woman, Harriet M. Worden P. Noyes was bright and ambitious--a born leader.

He reorganized the company's businesses to focus on tableware manufacturing, and rallied many other male descendants to build a modern corporation from the ruins of the old Community.

Noyes married another stirpicult, Corinna Ackley [Noyes] , who was in fact, JHN's granddaughter on her maternal side.

They became the "King and Queen" of the re-born business, which steadily grew and prospered, and of the reconstituted social circle of descendants.

Noyes handed over the leadership of the corporation to his equally able and ambitious son-in-law, Miles Robertson, who continued the policy of editing and censoring the OC story.

The other keeper of the legacy was George Wallingford Noyes After a time George Wallingford Noyes retired from the corporation and began systematically organizing the OC's archival legacy.

His first two books dealt with the evolution of Noyes' religious views. He also exerted control over the first authorized biography of JHN which was generally respectful of the OC and its founder.

He knew that conflict over the Community's legacy existed. Because of this conflict he prepared typescripts of selected primary sources and scattered four or five copies of these among various trusted friends and institutions.

Only one partial copy survived. After his death, various company executives most of them descendants of the OC entered George Wallingford Noyes' home and burned all of the Community records in the fireplace.

It took three days. What was the basis of the conflict over the Oneida Community's legacy at this time? Essentially, it involved a business point of view versus a socio-religious point of view.

Those descendants and corporate managers working to make the business a success were disinclined to allow any publicity that would sully the wholesome family image that the corporation's advertisements promoted.

Nothing could be permitted to harm the business. OC members had forthrightly called themselves "Bible Communists".

In the virulent anti-Communism of the s McCarthy period in America, that name would not do. It contaminated the patriotic reputation that the corporation had so carefully constructed during World War II when it temporarily converted from tableware manufacture to the production of war-related materials.

Any association with Communism was repugnant. So, the businessmen sought to suppress both the socio-religious and economic content of its predecessor, the Oneida Community.

Whereas the founding generation of the OC had viewed its various business ventures as a secondary means to an end--the end being the building of an Eden on earth--the second generation made business its primary pursuit.

Probably George Wallingford Noyes had had a pretty lonely vigil, trying to preserve the archives of what he considered a noble socioreligious legacy.

In any case, he died before Pierrepont B. The corporate point of view prevailed. Ah, but did it? As we well know, each generation brings its own concerns and sensibilities to its interpretation of history.

Circumstances change, and so do the principal actors in the historical pageant. During the last decades of the twentieth century, everything changed for the Oneida legacy.

First, the United States was gripped by a youth rebellion and a reexamination of many of its values, including social and sexual behaviors.

Some of these rebellious youth were, in fact, the great-grandchildren of the OC founders. They were not as cautious or fearful of their family history as their elders.

They adopted a more open attitude regarding their legacy, and invited others the feared "outsiders" to study their heritage.

A new generation of outside scholars, themselves motivated by interests in social change, began to study and publish their findings regarding the OC.

At Oneida, Ltd. A new generation of managers, with a modern and internationalist perspective, took charge.

It was no longer sufficient to rely primarily on descendants' sons and sons-in-law for upper management.

Because it was a financial drain on the company, it might be sold, or worse, it could be torn down!

In Oneida Ltd. OCMH is made up mainly of descendants who took responsibility for the substantial upkeep of the Mansion House.

Having lost a good portion of the corporate subsidy, they needed new sources of income to maintain the Mansion House. This required a reexamination of the legacy of the Oneida Community itself.

These developments led eventually to historic landmark status for the Mansion House and ambitious plans for a museum and interpretive center to tell the story of the OC.

Architects, educators, museum experts, archivists, curators, grant-writers, scholars and more were enlisted to help the Mansion House and the Oneida Community legacy make the transition into the twenty-first century.

In , an Interpretive Plan was developed. Wayland-Smith interprets the OCMH mission as "not just maintaining the building and the story of the original Community, but also continuing the values and the dialogue that the Community began, e.

Although scholars and descendants believed that almost all the primary sources of the OC had been burned during the infamous arson of , it gradually became evident that many grandchildren and great-grandchildren held precious primary documents which "Uncle George" [Wallingford Noyes] had never had possession of.

Eventually most descendants were persuaded to donate these documents to the Special Collections Department of the nearby Syracuse University Library, where they became available to public scrutiny in These primary documents comprise 78 boxes of material--much of it letters, because OC members often wrote to each other, even though they lived under the same roof!

She and all the girls of her generation were initiated into sex by JHN; many remained emotionally loyal to him for the rest of their lives.

Her diary is a frank chronicle of sexual intrigue, jealousy and manipulation much of it cynically managed and encouraged by JHN and his sister, Harriet Noyes Skinner, the leading woman of the OC.

Miller's diary indicates that many of OC's second generation were in thrall to their numerous sexual adventures and to their secret, forbidden attachments.

Miller's snapshot of the OC in the s is quite different from the decorous public face the OC presented to the public through its newspaper, books, and pamphlets.

Her memoir is but the first in a new revisionist history to be revealed by scholars of the OC, based on the availability of the new materials, as well as on new perspectives that are emerging in graduate disciplines.

More revisions will appear, and hopefully, some interpretations will be written by descendants themselves. The OC legacy will continue to unfold.

Conclusions and Questions I have used the Oneida Community as an example of the perils of establishing a legacy because its history is so colorful and its narrative is so compelling.

Yet I raised the example with another purpose in mind: to pose questions about a community's legacy. From this brief summary of the conflicting interpretations of the Oneida Community over the past years, we can conclude that many external circumstances impinge upon a community's legacy, probably overwhelming whatever the actual communards might have hoped or intended.

This conclusion leads me to the questions which I raised at the beginning of the paper: Can a community control or even influence its legacy?

If yes, how? If not, why not? Is control of one's legacy even a desirable goal for a community?

I cannot answer these questions. Perhaps people in the audience would like to share their views during the discussion period.

It is one of the contemporary instruments for molding the OC legacy. See also John B. OC scholar Lawrence Foster believes that J.

Noyes' first priority was not building a Perfectionist community, but rather, publishing his theological views in the various publications which the OC supported.

Personal conversation with the author. There may be some truth to this interpretation, as Noyes later testified that with his marriage to Harriet Holton,".

I obtained money enough to build me a house and a printing-office, and to buy a press and type.

Putnam's Sons, , Chmielewski, Louis J. Kern, and Marlyn Klee-Hartzell, eds. At the time of the Break-Up, JHN put considerable energy and money into helping Herrick get a divorce from his long-suffering wife, and then matched him in marriage to Noyes' favorite lover and niece, Tirzah Miller.

Shaw took an interest in the OC and perhaps intended to do a study of it. With her successful intervention, we are thus deprived of what would probably have been Shaw's highly original and entertaining interpretation of the OC.

Reed, Jr. Reed observed". She fiercely guarded the reputation of the OC and the corporation as she saw fit. In she refused the author's access to primary sources of the OC, because "unfortunate experiences [of interpretation by outsiders] have made it necessary to make rules [non-access to sources] and to keep them.

It is possible that this was her rule alone, and not the formal decision of any official committee of descendants.

In his boyhood memoir, op. Noyes remarked that "the pressure to elevate the love emotion [among stirpicult children, away from their biological parents and toward an abstract communal love] reacted with us as a suppression and, at least in my own case, oriented my interest toward material things.

The authorized biography is by Parker, previously cited. This interview was with Pierrepont "Pete" Trowbridge Noyes, who said that GWN's collection amounted to one-half the space of his office, and included cross-indexed materials.

PTN said that they covered "the problems of daily life" at the OC. A fourthgeneration descendant told the author that as the fireplace ashes were carried from the house, the carpet became covered with fine, white dust.

This image has apparently haunted some descendants. The Oneida Community will need a fireproof building before long for its archives.

The accumulation of papers is incredible. It is believed that all sexual intimacies were recorded as well probably by JHN's sister and chief enforcer among the women, Harriet Noyes Skinner.

Carden, 54 15 Geoffrey Noyes, great-grandson of John Humphrey Noyes, related to the author the story of his aunt's [Constance Noyes Robertson, whose father, husband and brother each headed the corporation at different periods] reaction to a somewhat titillating article by Donovan Fitzpatrick, "Father Noyes and His Fabulous Flock" in True; a Man's Magazine, March , which she felt might damage the company's image.

She chauffeured her teenaged nephew, Geoffrey Noyes, around the environs of Oneida, N. See also the Allen-Shaw correspondence, op. Noyes , and their attempts to suppress the OC's legacy.

The bank has taken over and we are just working to eat and pay off the debts. The whole kibbutz movement is in deep crisis.

Very many kibbutzim are no longer economically viable and the failure of the younger generation to continue the project has created an insoluble social and manpower situation.

As a result some kibbutzim have already cased to be communal settlements and it is highly probable that in the near future, only a minority will remain recognisable kibbutzim as we have known them.

Perhaps no more than a handful. It would seem that the Kibbutz movement, after reaching great heights to become a shining beacon world-wide, has like a Supernova consumed its essential material and is now collapsing in on itself.

How is it that a once idealistic and vibrant movement of over settlements has in the space of some twenty years come to this sorry state?

More importantly, what are the lessons that can be drawn from this? Many blame the decline on the financial disaster of the late '80's and the subsequent economic collapse, when kibbutz movement central funds were squandered on a stock market failure though how that was allowed to happen was symptomatic.

These were however merely accelerating factors however and whilst writing my book Collectively Yours, I realised that I was describing the start of this decline in the fifties and sixties.

So what, one might say? Kibbutz has had a good run and has provided inspiration and moral support to communal societies world-wide.

And in the wider scheme of things, does it matter? I believe that it does, and that what has happened is relevant to all communal societies as will be outlined in the conclusion.

The present situation in the kibbutzim has in my opinion been brought about by: 1. Dedication to national pioneering tasks 2.

Changing socio-economic and political situation in Israel 3. Changing kibbutz population, through unselective absorption large numbers of noncommitted new members.

In the twenties and thirties, partly from the impetus of the Russian revolution their number rapidly expanded.

Unlike many communes which deliberately set themselves apart from mainstream society, the kibbutz wanted to be an integral part of the rebirth of the Jewish people in its homeland.

Spearheading this return to the soil the kibbutz became all things to everyone and were expected to do everything: draining the swamps, taming the mountains, making the desert bloom, defending the borders and providing cheap food in the early years of the State.

With their idealism and social cohesion, only they could have settled remote inhospitable areas and stuck.

The kibbutzim became the darlings of the country and of Zionist movement, and perhaps unique for alternative communal settlements, an integral part of the establishment, with the paradox of wealthy American Jews willingly donating money to Marxist Leninists of the Artzi kibbutzim!

Though their communal, egalitarian values were grudgingly respected, they were loved not for what they were, but for what they were doing.

There was nothing new in this phenomenon. Throughout history, communal movements with their idealism and social cohesiveness were often exploited by establishments to further their aims, e.

Nevertheless, even those of us who saw the communal enterprise as the essential purpose, succumbed to the thrill and took pride in carrying out these pioneering tasks.

Unfortunately, fulfilling these functions served to deflect the emphasis and energies of kibbutz from its true purpose; that of developing and consolidating the ideals of an alternative communal society.

Changing socio-economic situation in Israel. During the British mandate and the early years of the State, Israeli society had a socialdemocratic nature with prominent workers movements, etc.

From the Fifties onwards, the emphasis changed to that of a full-blown market economy. This occurred in agriculture as well with creation of large scale private farms based on seasonal hired labour, ostensibly reducing the economic importance of the kibbutzim.

After the Six Day War, with the feeling of security and the role of defence taken over entirely by army, border kibbutzim seemed less vital.

The mass immigration of Oriental Jews with little modern political understanding allowed the rise of demagogic nationalism and of the right wing Likud party which had no connection or sympathy with the kibbutz movement.

In addition most kibbutzim were in the opposition Peace Movement camp. The fact that they could not was due to the changing nature of their population.

The Changing Population. In the inter-war years, the kibbutz movement expanded and was consolidated through a steady flow of highly committed idealists who were the results of a severe selection and selfselection process in Central European youth movements.

Owing to the shortage of land and settlement funds, along with establishing new kibbutzim, there was also an organic reinforcement of the existing kibbutzim, In every kibbutz there had always been a periphery, but it was small and uninfluential and the essential character was maintained by a committed, idealistic majority core.

In the early fifties however, the situation changed radically with a rapid expansion of the uncommitted periphery, as described below.

As a result of the Holocaust, the traditional Zionist youth movements were practically wiped out, cutting off the flow of idealistic reinforcements.

After the war, the few members remaining coalesced into new groups but these were augmented by large numbers of survivors heading for Palestine.

For most of these, the idea of kibbutz was an attractive option. It offered a surrogate family and community for that which had been destroyed, as well as security in starting a new life in a strange and difficult country.

Whilst accepting and paying lip service to kibbutz ideals and way of life, this new membership had undergone very little selection and had no real deeper education of, or commitment to its principles.

With the creation of the new State, over a few short years these relatively large numbers were added to the kibbutz movement, many of them in small widely dispersed settlements along the borders, where the national tasks often took precedence.

A side effect was that the older kibbutzim were no longer provided with reinforcement groups. For the new immigrants, as long as the kibbutz provided a secure environment, integrating them into the new country and allowing them to learn the language and new trades, they went along with the kibbutz way of life.

But as time passed and they became established and more confident, some left for town and most of those that remained added to the periphery.

To this new unselective influx were added large numbers from Israeli youth movements. In the pre-state Israeli movements, there was also a selection process prior to their going to kibbutz.

With compulsory military service however, whole groups now went to the army, and without any selection process came into the kibbutzim primarily as social groupings, khevreh.

The result of both these influxes was that in most kibbutzim, a large periphery, unselected and having no ideological depth now often outnumbered the idealistic core.

This enlarged periphery radically altered the character of the kibbutz causing: a a neglect of basic kibbutz principles, and b the disenchantment of the younger generation.

For the periphery, raising the standard of living and building a successful economy to support this became the prime motives.

Creating and consolidating an alternative, communal society was not their main concern. The periphery was conscious of the rising standard of living in the towns, and principles that interfered or became awkward to maintain were abandoned in the pursuit of a higher standard of living and economic success.

Pragmatism had eventually burst through their thin veneer of idealism. The idea that the benefits and satisfaction gained from communal living and creating a new society would more than compensate for a possible lower standard of living than in town, was an anathema to this periphery.

The emphasis on economic success led to an increase in hired labour. Through fear of losing members, breaches of sharing and equality through receiving presents and personal money were ignored.

Profitability had become the main aim and this also led to each branch striving for its own success as opposed to integration into the general scheme.

Many kibbutzim neither assessed nor established new industries in accordance with their own manpower resources and as a result, further unselective absorption took place to provide the industrial hands required, or more hired labour was employed.

The net result of the above process was a constant struggle of the principled, idealistic and now minority nucleus to try and maintain kibbutz principles, against the inertia of the large periphery.

It was wearing and usually ended up in a rearguard action. In addition the scattering of population in many small settlements led to splitting up of idealistic cores into small fragments that were even more susceptible to erosion.

The end result of the above processes, was that by the eighties the kibbutz movement had lost much of its character and idealism.

The Effect on the Younger generation. The success of any society is in its perpetuation by the younger generation and in this the kibbutz was found severely wanting.

How was it that so few saw the kibbutz as a place to build their future? Is California - where there are probably now as many ex-kibbutz children as in the kibbutz movement - a better place to raise a family?

There is obviously a raft of external influences to this mass desertion: the world-wide drift from the country to the town, the emphasis of national pioneering tasks in lieu of communal living, the pursuit of the illusory individualism of egoism and narcissism, etc.

It is also true that in some kibbutzim, a hierarchy of functionaries were loath to give up the reins or allow new ideas from children returning from the army.

They were: 1. Lack of personal example. Children readily sense hypocrisy and double standards. In successful religious communities, the young see their parents practising exactly what they preach.

The periphery majority however did not practise their principles and at the most gave only lip service to communal ideals.

Though there were many sincere and principled kibbutzniks who were role models, they were seen as the minority and known to be fighting a permanent rearguard action against the laissez-faire direction of the kibbutz as a whole.

Why then should the younger generation be expected return to carry on the struggle, when the kibbutz was already losing its way?

The lack of specific education to kibbutz. All education in one way or another is directed or biased.

So it should have been in the kibbutz. Religious communities have no problem with a specific education towards their values. In particular there was a lack of specific education and emotional involvement in kibbutz values in a suitable and enjoyable way in kindergarten and primary education.

Discussions about kibbutz at secondary level in kibbutz high schools were useful but came far too late.

In secondary education, the periphery set the agenda and emptied the education system of specific kibbutz content. The kibbutz movement itself was also at fault in not advancing the cause of the Open University and mature student entry as was becoming common in many countries.

This would have been much more suited to kibbutz, but the periphery had no interest in this either. Kibbutz ideals valued all work equally in that trades, crafts, manual work etc.

The kibbutz high school originally set aside time each day for work in the various branches of the kibbutz, an essential part of education and identification with the community.

The net result of the factors outlined above, was that the younger generation lacked emotional and ideological commitment to kibbutz ideals and thus the will to perpetuate a society which they saw as flawed and declining anyway.

The flight of the kibbutz children has led to an ever growing number of kibbutzim becoming geriatric institutions. With few idealists joining and the continued unselective acceptance of new members to somehow keep up the numbers, the periphery will continue to grow and eventually lead to the demise of the kibbutz as a communal egalitarian society.

Conclusion We asked at the outset, does the demise of the kibbutz matter? I believe it does. There is no scientific proof that human beings are naturally co-operative, peaceful, egalitarian or mutually supportive.

It is a matter of belief that they are and communal societies embody those values. Communal living is not a sociological experiment.

It is not an intellectual exercise. It is an act if faith, which is perhaps why religious communes find it easier to be successful - they have had more practice.

What has occurred in the kibbutzim demonstrates what happens when a majority that does not have that faith or a sincere belief in its values, gains control of a communal society.

Neither academic studies nor organisational and procedural changes will enable a communal society to survive unless the vast majority of its members have that faith and believe in those values.

By understanding the causes of these processes, future communal societies may learn to do better. The principle lesson however, is that any communal society, surrounded as it always will be by those with different values, can only survive if the vast majority of its members are firmly convinced and sincerely believe in its ideals and way of life, and above all practice what they preach.

From this it is follows that in order to survive and develop, an alternative communal society must have a continual severe selection process for new members, as well as a clearly directed education system that will imbue the younger generation with an emotional attachment to those ideals, leading to a wish to perpetuate that society.

Additional notes. Collective Education. Recent years have seen concerted attacks and lurid literature on 'horrors' of collective education', child abuse etc.

My own kibbutz cannot be exceptional in that I cannot recall one incident of abuse or subsequent accusation.

As a therapist in Haifa remarked to me: Collective education is a convenient peg on which to hang any complexes. And if it was so bad, have you ever seen a starving ex-kibbutz kid?

Town Communes There is a trend to concentrate now on town communes as a new alternative. But will they be middle class enclaves of architects.

Are Tolstoy and AD Gordon now considered irrelevant? Australia has a long and rich history of utopian, communal experimentation including many religious, communist and secular examples.

Radical sexual experimentation, mystical experiences, common property, bizarre dietary experiments, various forms of leadership, and all the factors found in the better known communal history of USA and Europe are also to be found in Australian communal groups.

Although Australia never received as many dissenting religious communal groups from Europe as went to North America, a number of these people did come and establish utopian communes in Australia.

One of the most interesting of these was Herrnhut commune in western Victoria. Herrnhut was based on a strange blend of Moravian Christianity, personal charisma, millenarianism, mysticism and communism.

It was founded by Johann Friedrich Krumnow in , and lasted until Herrnhut was mostly comprised of people who came from the areas of Silesia, Posen and Brandenburg in what is now eastern Germany and western Poland.

Radical groups such as the Anabaptists emerged at that time, determined to live in close-knit communal groups because that is what they believed the Bible told them to do.

These radical dissidents were persecuted in many areas and were forced to seek refuge. In , a religious communal group came together on the lands of Count Zinzendorf, at Herrnhut, in Moravia.

Most of these religious dissidents went to North America because passages were cheap and farm land was almost free, but a minority came to Australia.

As a child he became committed to both radical socialism and evangelical Christianity. He moved to Berlin where, in the mid to late s, he probably joined the Gossner Missions Institute, a training centre to accommodate evangelical, would-be missionaries who had been rejected elsewhere.

The training at Gossner Missions Institute emphasised personal piety and practical skills more than theological studies.

He was barred from this vocation, officially at least because of his physical deformity hunch back and his unpleasant, nasal voice.

Somehow, this was mixed with communism, producing a heady brew of religious and political fanaticism. Krumnow anticipated the second coming of Christ and the Millennium, and until that time, preached that everything Herrnhut, Page 3 should be held in common and that people should live together as a commune, eschewing all private property.

Krumnow sought to live as he believed that Christ and His early followers had lived, sharing all food and housing while devoting themselves to the realisation of an ideal world order.

Anarchism also came into the equation, with Krumnow rejecting State authority, believing himself to be answerable only to God.

He was also school teacher, being responsible for teaching catechism, bible history and hymn singing to the children.

There are at least three possible answers. Firstly, the Moravians were well known at that time for establishing successful Christian communes in USA and Britain, and given that this is just what Krumnow hoped to do in Australia, it might have seemed like a useful label to adopt.

The Moravian schools gained particular recognition. Secondly, Moravians had an admirable reputation for being excellent immigrants, so perhaps Krumnow hoped that some of that good opinion would rub off onto him if he adopted their name.

The term Moravian was taken up by numerous other migrants to advance their prospects. Herrnhut, Page 4 But, under whatever denominational label and with whatever religious and political views, Johann Friedrich Krumnow came to Australia - and his impact endures.

Krumnow had to work as a shepherd until he could find other people to join his utopian, communal venture. A contemporary wrote, The faith of Krumnow was strong within him.

The times were out of joint, he felt that he was born to set them right. Yet he had no personal gifts to recommend him.

He had no single quality of nature in his favour. But within this misshapen body there was a fiery soul. Krumnow had faith in himself, and he inspired faith in others.

He found more acceptance and success for his socialist and communalist teachings within this German migrant community.

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Massive Rundholzbett. Noyes married another stirpicult, Corinna Ackley [Noyes] , who was in fact, JHN's granddaughter on her maternal side.

They became the "King and Queen" of the re-born business, which steadily grew and prospered, and of the reconstituted social circle of descendants.

Noyes handed over the leadership of the corporation to his equally able and ambitious son-in-law, Miles Robertson, who continued the policy of editing and censoring the OC story.

The other keeper of the legacy was George Wallingford Noyes After a time George Wallingford Noyes retired from the corporation and began systematically organizing the OC's archival legacy.

His first two books dealt with the evolution of Noyes' religious views. He also exerted control over the first authorized biography of JHN which was generally respectful of the OC and its founder.

He knew that conflict over the Community's legacy existed. Because of this conflict he prepared typescripts of selected primary sources and scattered four or five copies of these among various trusted friends and institutions.

Only one partial copy survived. After his death, various company executives most of them descendants of the OC entered George Wallingford Noyes' home and burned all of the Community records in the fireplace.

It took three days. What was the basis of the conflict over the Oneida Community's legacy at this time? Essentially, it involved a business point of view versus a socio-religious point of view.

Those descendants and corporate managers working to make the business a success were disinclined to allow any publicity that would sully the wholesome family image that the corporation's advertisements promoted.

Nothing could be permitted to harm the business. OC members had forthrightly called themselves "Bible Communists".

In the virulent anti-Communism of the s McCarthy period in America, that name would not do. It contaminated the patriotic reputation that the corporation had so carefully constructed during World War II when it temporarily converted from tableware manufacture to the production of war-related materials.

Any association with Communism was repugnant. So, the businessmen sought to suppress both the socio-religious and economic content of its predecessor, the Oneida Community.

Whereas the founding generation of the OC had viewed its various business ventures as a secondary means to an end--the end being the building of an Eden on earth--the second generation made business its primary pursuit.

Probably George Wallingford Noyes had had a pretty lonely vigil, trying to preserve the archives of what he considered a noble socioreligious legacy.

In any case, he died before Pierrepont B. The corporate point of view prevailed. Ah, but did it? As we well know, each generation brings its own concerns and sensibilities to its interpretation of history.

Circumstances change, and so do the principal actors in the historical pageant. During the last decades of the twentieth century, everything changed for the Oneida legacy.

First, the United States was gripped by a youth rebellion and a reexamination of many of its values, including social and sexual behaviors.

Some of these rebellious youth were, in fact, the great-grandchildren of the OC founders. They were not as cautious or fearful of their family history as their elders.

They adopted a more open attitude regarding their legacy, and invited others the feared "outsiders" to study their heritage.

A new generation of outside scholars, themselves motivated by interests in social change, began to study and publish their findings regarding the OC.

At Oneida, Ltd. A new generation of managers, with a modern and internationalist perspective, took charge. It was no longer sufficient to rely primarily on descendants' sons and sons-in-law for upper management.

Because it was a financial drain on the company, it might be sold, or worse, it could be torn down!

In Oneida Ltd. OCMH is made up mainly of descendants who took responsibility for the substantial upkeep of the Mansion House.

Having lost a good portion of the corporate subsidy, they needed new sources of income to maintain the Mansion House.

This required a reexamination of the legacy of the Oneida Community itself. These developments led eventually to historic landmark status for the Mansion House and ambitious plans for a museum and interpretive center to tell the story of the OC.

Architects, educators, museum experts, archivists, curators, grant-writers, scholars and more were enlisted to help the Mansion House and the Oneida Community legacy make the transition into the twenty-first century.

In , an Interpretive Plan was developed. Wayland-Smith interprets the OCMH mission as "not just maintaining the building and the story of the original Community, but also continuing the values and the dialogue that the Community began, e.

Although scholars and descendants believed that almost all the primary sources of the OC had been burned during the infamous arson of , it gradually became evident that many grandchildren and great-grandchildren held precious primary documents which "Uncle George" [Wallingford Noyes] had never had possession of.

Eventually most descendants were persuaded to donate these documents to the Special Collections Department of the nearby Syracuse University Library, where they became available to public scrutiny in These primary documents comprise 78 boxes of material--much of it letters, because OC members often wrote to each other, even though they lived under the same roof!

She and all the girls of her generation were initiated into sex by JHN; many remained emotionally loyal to him for the rest of their lives.

Her diary is a frank chronicle of sexual intrigue, jealousy and manipulation much of it cynically managed and encouraged by JHN and his sister, Harriet Noyes Skinner, the leading woman of the OC.

Miller's diary indicates that many of OC's second generation were in thrall to their numerous sexual adventures and to their secret, forbidden attachments.

Miller's snapshot of the OC in the s is quite different from the decorous public face the OC presented to the public through its newspaper, books, and pamphlets.

Her memoir is but the first in a new revisionist history to be revealed by scholars of the OC, based on the availability of the new materials, as well as on new perspectives that are emerging in graduate disciplines.

More revisions will appear, and hopefully, some interpretations will be written by descendants themselves. The OC legacy will continue to unfold.

Conclusions and Questions I have used the Oneida Community as an example of the perils of establishing a legacy because its history is so colorful and its narrative is so compelling.

Yet I raised the example with another purpose in mind: to pose questions about a community's legacy. From this brief summary of the conflicting interpretations of the Oneida Community over the past years, we can conclude that many external circumstances impinge upon a community's legacy, probably overwhelming whatever the actual communards might have hoped or intended.

This conclusion leads me to the questions which I raised at the beginning of the paper: Can a community control or even influence its legacy?

If yes, how? If not, why not? Is control of one's legacy even a desirable goal for a community? I cannot answer these questions.

Perhaps people in the audience would like to share their views during the discussion period. It is one of the contemporary instruments for molding the OC legacy.

See also John B. OC scholar Lawrence Foster believes that J. Noyes' first priority was not building a Perfectionist community, but rather, publishing his theological views in the various publications which the OC supported.

Personal conversation with the author. There may be some truth to this interpretation, as Noyes later testified that with his marriage to Harriet Holton,".

I obtained money enough to build me a house and a printing-office, and to buy a press and type. Putnam's Sons, , Chmielewski, Louis J.

Kern, and Marlyn Klee-Hartzell, eds. At the time of the Break-Up, JHN put considerable energy and money into helping Herrick get a divorce from his long-suffering wife, and then matched him in marriage to Noyes' favorite lover and niece, Tirzah Miller.

Shaw took an interest in the OC and perhaps intended to do a study of it. With her successful intervention, we are thus deprived of what would probably have been Shaw's highly original and entertaining interpretation of the OC.

Reed, Jr. Reed observed". She fiercely guarded the reputation of the OC and the corporation as she saw fit. In she refused the author's access to primary sources of the OC, because "unfortunate experiences [of interpretation by outsiders] have made it necessary to make rules [non-access to sources] and to keep them.

It is possible that this was her rule alone, and not the formal decision of any official committee of descendants.

In his boyhood memoir, op. Noyes remarked that "the pressure to elevate the love emotion [among stirpicult children, away from their biological parents and toward an abstract communal love] reacted with us as a suppression and, at least in my own case, oriented my interest toward material things.

The authorized biography is by Parker, previously cited. This interview was with Pierrepont "Pete" Trowbridge Noyes, who said that GWN's collection amounted to one-half the space of his office, and included cross-indexed materials.

PTN said that they covered "the problems of daily life" at the OC. A fourthgeneration descendant told the author that as the fireplace ashes were carried from the house, the carpet became covered with fine, white dust.

This image has apparently haunted some descendants. The Oneida Community will need a fireproof building before long for its archives. The accumulation of papers is incredible.

It is believed that all sexual intimacies were recorded as well probably by JHN's sister and chief enforcer among the women, Harriet Noyes Skinner.

Carden, 54 15 Geoffrey Noyes, great-grandson of John Humphrey Noyes, related to the author the story of his aunt's [Constance Noyes Robertson, whose father, husband and brother each headed the corporation at different periods] reaction to a somewhat titillating article by Donovan Fitzpatrick, "Father Noyes and His Fabulous Flock" in True; a Man's Magazine, March , which she felt might damage the company's image.

She chauffeured her teenaged nephew, Geoffrey Noyes, around the environs of Oneida, N. See also the Allen-Shaw correspondence, op. Noyes , and their attempts to suppress the OC's legacy.

The bank has taken over and we are just working to eat and pay off the debts. The whole kibbutz movement is in deep crisis.

Very many kibbutzim are no longer economically viable and the failure of the younger generation to continue the project has created an insoluble social and manpower situation.

As a result some kibbutzim have already cased to be communal settlements and it is highly probable that in the near future, only a minority will remain recognisable kibbutzim as we have known them.

Perhaps no more than a handful. It would seem that the Kibbutz movement, after reaching great heights to become a shining beacon world-wide, has like a Supernova consumed its essential material and is now collapsing in on itself.

How is it that a once idealistic and vibrant movement of over settlements has in the space of some twenty years come to this sorry state?

More importantly, what are the lessons that can be drawn from this? Many blame the decline on the financial disaster of the late '80's and the subsequent economic collapse, when kibbutz movement central funds were squandered on a stock market failure though how that was allowed to happen was symptomatic.

These were however merely accelerating factors however and whilst writing my book Collectively Yours, I realised that I was describing the start of this decline in the fifties and sixties.

So what, one might say? Kibbutz has had a good run and has provided inspiration and moral support to communal societies world-wide.

And in the wider scheme of things, does it matter? I believe that it does, and that what has happened is relevant to all communal societies as will be outlined in the conclusion.

The present situation in the kibbutzim has in my opinion been brought about by: 1. Dedication to national pioneering tasks 2.

Changing socio-economic and political situation in Israel 3. Changing kibbutz population, through unselective absorption large numbers of noncommitted new members.

In the twenties and thirties, partly from the impetus of the Russian revolution their number rapidly expanded. Unlike many communes which deliberately set themselves apart from mainstream society, the kibbutz wanted to be an integral part of the rebirth of the Jewish people in its homeland.

Spearheading this return to the soil the kibbutz became all things to everyone and were expected to do everything: draining the swamps, taming the mountains, making the desert bloom, defending the borders and providing cheap food in the early years of the State.

With their idealism and social cohesion, only they could have settled remote inhospitable areas and stuck.

The kibbutzim became the darlings of the country and of Zionist movement, and perhaps unique for alternative communal settlements, an integral part of the establishment, with the paradox of wealthy American Jews willingly donating money to Marxist Leninists of the Artzi kibbutzim!

Though their communal, egalitarian values were grudgingly respected, they were loved not for what they were, but for what they were doing.

There was nothing new in this phenomenon. Throughout history, communal movements with their idealism and social cohesiveness were often exploited by establishments to further their aims, e.

Nevertheless, even those of us who saw the communal enterprise as the essential purpose, succumbed to the thrill and took pride in carrying out these pioneering tasks.

Unfortunately, fulfilling these functions served to deflect the emphasis and energies of kibbutz from its true purpose; that of developing and consolidating the ideals of an alternative communal society.

Changing socio-economic situation in Israel. During the British mandate and the early years of the State, Israeli society had a socialdemocratic nature with prominent workers movements, etc.

From the Fifties onwards, the emphasis changed to that of a full-blown market economy. This occurred in agriculture as well with creation of large scale private farms based on seasonal hired labour, ostensibly reducing the economic importance of the kibbutzim.

After the Six Day War, with the feeling of security and the role of defence taken over entirely by army, border kibbutzim seemed less vital.

The mass immigration of Oriental Jews with little modern political understanding allowed the rise of demagogic nationalism and of the right wing Likud party which had no connection or sympathy with the kibbutz movement.

In addition most kibbutzim were in the opposition Peace Movement camp. The fact that they could not was due to the changing nature of their population.

The Changing Population. In the inter-war years, the kibbutz movement expanded and was consolidated through a steady flow of highly committed idealists who were the results of a severe selection and selfselection process in Central European youth movements.

Owing to the shortage of land and settlement funds, along with establishing new kibbutzim, there was also an organic reinforcement of the existing kibbutzim, In every kibbutz there had always been a periphery, but it was small and uninfluential and the essential character was maintained by a committed, idealistic majority core.

In the early fifties however, the situation changed radically with a rapid expansion of the uncommitted periphery, as described below.

As a result of the Holocaust, the traditional Zionist youth movements were practically wiped out, cutting off the flow of idealistic reinforcements.

After the war, the few members remaining coalesced into new groups but these were augmented by large numbers of survivors heading for Palestine.

For most of these, the idea of kibbutz was an attractive option. It offered a surrogate family and community for that which had been destroyed, as well as security in starting a new life in a strange and difficult country.

Whilst accepting and paying lip service to kibbutz ideals and way of life, this new membership had undergone very little selection and had no real deeper education of, or commitment to its principles.

With the creation of the new State, over a few short years these relatively large numbers were added to the kibbutz movement, many of them in small widely dispersed settlements along the borders, where the national tasks often took precedence.

A side effect was that the older kibbutzim were no longer provided with reinforcement groups.

For the new immigrants, as long as the kibbutz provided a secure environment, integrating them into the new country and allowing them to learn the language and new trades, they went along with the kibbutz way of life.

But as time passed and they became established and more confident, some left for town and most of those that remained added to the periphery.

To this new unselective influx were added large numbers from Israeli youth movements. In the pre-state Israeli movements, there was also a selection process prior to their going to kibbutz.

With compulsory military service however, whole groups now went to the army, and without any selection process came into the kibbutzim primarily as social groupings, khevreh.

The result of both these influxes was that in most kibbutzim, a large periphery, unselected and having no ideological depth now often outnumbered the idealistic core.

This enlarged periphery radically altered the character of the kibbutz causing: a a neglect of basic kibbutz principles, and b the disenchantment of the younger generation.

For the periphery, raising the standard of living and building a successful economy to support this became the prime motives.

Creating and consolidating an alternative, communal society was not their main concern. The periphery was conscious of the rising standard of living in the towns, and principles that interfered or became awkward to maintain were abandoned in the pursuit of a higher standard of living and economic success.

Pragmatism had eventually burst through their thin veneer of idealism. The idea that the benefits and satisfaction gained from communal living and creating a new society would more than compensate for a possible lower standard of living than in town, was an anathema to this periphery.

The emphasis on economic success led to an increase in hired labour. Through fear of losing members, breaches of sharing and equality through receiving presents and personal money were ignored.

Profitability had become the main aim and this also led to each branch striving for its own success as opposed to integration into the general scheme.

Many kibbutzim neither assessed nor established new industries in accordance with their own manpower resources and as a result, further unselective absorption took place to provide the industrial hands required, or more hired labour was employed.

The net result of the above process was a constant struggle of the principled, idealistic and now minority nucleus to try and maintain kibbutz principles, against the inertia of the large periphery.

It was wearing and usually ended up in a rearguard action. In addition the scattering of population in many small settlements led to splitting up of idealistic cores into small fragments that were even more susceptible to erosion.

The end result of the above processes, was that by the eighties the kibbutz movement had lost much of its character and idealism. The Effect on the Younger generation.

The success of any society is in its perpetuation by the younger generation and in this the kibbutz was found severely wanting.

How was it that so few saw the kibbutz as a place to build their future? Is California - where there are probably now as many ex-kibbutz children as in the kibbutz movement - a better place to raise a family?

There is obviously a raft of external influences to this mass desertion: the world-wide drift from the country to the town, the emphasis of national pioneering tasks in lieu of communal living, the pursuit of the illusory individualism of egoism and narcissism, etc.

It is also true that in some kibbutzim, a hierarchy of functionaries were loath to give up the reins or allow new ideas from children returning from the army.

They were: 1. Lack of personal example. Children readily sense hypocrisy and double standards. In successful religious communities, the young see their parents practising exactly what they preach.

The periphery majority however did not practise their principles and at the most gave only lip service to communal ideals. Though there were many sincere and principled kibbutzniks who were role models, they were seen as the minority and known to be fighting a permanent rearguard action against the laissez-faire direction of the kibbutz as a whole.

Why then should the younger generation be expected return to carry on the struggle, when the kibbutz was already losing its way?

The lack of specific education to kibbutz. All education in one way or another is directed or biased. So it should have been in the kibbutz.

Religious communities have no problem with a specific education towards their values. In particular there was a lack of specific education and emotional involvement in kibbutz values in a suitable and enjoyable way in kindergarten and primary education.

Discussions about kibbutz at secondary level in kibbutz high schools were useful but came far too late.

In secondary education, the periphery set the agenda and emptied the education system of specific kibbutz content. The kibbutz movement itself was also at fault in not advancing the cause of the Open University and mature student entry as was becoming common in many countries.

This would have been much more suited to kibbutz, but the periphery had no interest in this either.

Kibbutz ideals valued all work equally in that trades, crafts, manual work etc. The kibbutz high school originally set aside time each day for work in the various branches of the kibbutz, an essential part of education and identification with the community.

The net result of the factors outlined above, was that the younger generation lacked emotional and ideological commitment to kibbutz ideals and thus the will to perpetuate a society which they saw as flawed and declining anyway.

The flight of the kibbutz children has led to an ever growing number of kibbutzim becoming geriatric institutions.

With few idealists joining and the continued unselective acceptance of new members to somehow keep up the numbers, the periphery will continue to grow and eventually lead to the demise of the kibbutz as a communal egalitarian society.

Conclusion We asked at the outset, does the demise of the kibbutz matter? I believe it does. There is no scientific proof that human beings are naturally co-operative, peaceful, egalitarian or mutually supportive.

It is a matter of belief that they are and communal societies embody those values. Communal living is not a sociological experiment.

It is not an intellectual exercise. It is an act if faith, which is perhaps why religious communes find it easier to be successful - they have had more practice.

What has occurred in the kibbutzim demonstrates what happens when a majority that does not have that faith or a sincere belief in its values, gains control of a communal society.

Neither academic studies nor organisational and procedural changes will enable a communal society to survive unless the vast majority of its members have that faith and believe in those values.

By understanding the causes of these processes, future communal societies may learn to do better. The principle lesson however, is that any communal society, surrounded as it always will be by those with different values, can only survive if the vast majority of its members are firmly convinced and sincerely believe in its ideals and way of life, and above all practice what they preach.

From this it is follows that in order to survive and develop, an alternative communal society must have a continual severe selection process for new members, as well as a clearly directed education system that will imbue the younger generation with an emotional attachment to those ideals, leading to a wish to perpetuate that society.

Additional notes. Collective Education. Recent years have seen concerted attacks and lurid literature on 'horrors' of collective education', child abuse etc.

My own kibbutz cannot be exceptional in that I cannot recall one incident of abuse or subsequent accusation. As a therapist in Haifa remarked to me: Collective education is a convenient peg on which to hang any complexes.

And if it was so bad, have you ever seen a starving ex-kibbutz kid? Town Communes There is a trend to concentrate now on town communes as a new alternative.

But will they be middle class enclaves of architects. Are Tolstoy and AD Gordon now considered irrelevant? Australia has a long and rich history of utopian, communal experimentation including many religious, communist and secular examples.

Radical sexual experimentation, mystical experiences, common property, bizarre dietary experiments, various forms of leadership, and all the factors found in the better known communal history of USA and Europe are also to be found in Australian communal groups.

Although Australia never received as many dissenting religious communal groups from Europe as went to North America, a number of these people did come and establish utopian communes in Australia.

One of the most interesting of these was Herrnhut commune in western Victoria. Herrnhut was based on a strange blend of Moravian Christianity, personal charisma, millenarianism, mysticism and communism.

It was founded by Johann Friedrich Krumnow in , and lasted until Herrnhut was mostly comprised of people who came from the areas of Silesia, Posen and Brandenburg in what is now eastern Germany and western Poland.

Radical groups such as the Anabaptists emerged at that time, determined to live in close-knit communal groups because that is what they believed the Bible told them to do.

These radical dissidents were persecuted in many areas and were forced to seek refuge. In , a religious communal group came together on the lands of Count Zinzendorf, at Herrnhut, in Moravia.

Most of these religious dissidents went to North America because passages were cheap and farm land was almost free, but a minority came to Australia.

As a child he became committed to both radical socialism and evangelical Christianity. He moved to Berlin where, in the mid to late s, he probably joined the Gossner Missions Institute, a training centre to accommodate evangelical, would-be missionaries who had been rejected elsewhere.

The training at Gossner Missions Institute emphasised personal piety and practical skills more than theological studies. He was barred from this vocation, officially at least because of his physical deformity hunch back and his unpleasant, nasal voice.

Somehow, this was mixed with communism, producing a heady brew of religious and political fanaticism. Krumnow anticipated the second coming of Christ and the Millennium, and until that time, preached that everything Herrnhut, Page 3 should be held in common and that people should live together as a commune, eschewing all private property.

Krumnow sought to live as he believed that Christ and His early followers had lived, sharing all food and housing while devoting themselves to the realisation of an ideal world order.

Anarchism also came into the equation, with Krumnow rejecting State authority, believing himself to be answerable only to God.

He was also school teacher, being responsible for teaching catechism, bible history and hymn singing to the children.

There are at least three possible answers. Firstly, the Moravians were well known at that time for establishing successful Christian communes in USA and Britain, and given that this is just what Krumnow hoped to do in Australia, it might have seemed like a useful label to adopt.

The Moravian schools gained particular recognition. Secondly, Moravians had an admirable reputation for being excellent immigrants, so perhaps Krumnow hoped that some of that good opinion would rub off onto him if he adopted their name.

The term Moravian was taken up by numerous other migrants to advance their prospects. Herrnhut, Page 4 But, under whatever denominational label and with whatever religious and political views, Johann Friedrich Krumnow came to Australia - and his impact endures.

Krumnow had to work as a shepherd until he could find other people to join his utopian, communal venture. A contemporary wrote, The faith of Krumnow was strong within him.

The times were out of joint, he felt that he was born to set them right. Yet he had no personal gifts to recommend him.

He had no single quality of nature in his favour. But within this misshapen body there was a fiery soul.

Krumnow had faith in himself, and he inspired faith in others. He found more acceptance and success for his socialist and communalist teachings within this German migrant community.

In , he gathered about him a small group of zealous followers who came to share his dream of living together as a religious commune where, like the early Christians, all things were to be held in common with no private property.

They chose to call their group Gemeine Herrnhut or simply Herrnhut commune, after Herrnhut, in Saxony, the location of the first Moravian commune.

We, the undersigned, agreeing and accepted in the apostolic doctrine, hereby bind ourselves to uphold, follow, guard and defend in the case of necessity even with our blood the pure apostolic faith founded on the holy Word of God.

We mutually join and bind ourselves in the bonds of love like brothers and sisters, and by this document call our brother missionary Krumnow as our preacher and teacher, to administer to us the holy Herrnhut, Page 5 sacraments, baptise our children, and to marry those who wish to be married.

We bind by this document our brother Krumnow to adhere to the true apostolic faith, and under no circumstances to change or alter this doctrine, and demand of him to preach and teach us the faith, and to watch over our souls.

All were exLutherans and all had been affected by the establishment of a Prussian State Church and the suppression of religious freedom.

Why they then left their farms and businesses, sold and gave everything to this communal venture, and why they bound themselves to be led by Friedrich Krumnow is something we shall never know.

Their newly purchased, communal land was registered by Johann Friedrich Krumnow in his own name, a fact unknown to his followers.

This legal oversight plagued Herrnhut commune throughout its long history. Herrnhut Commune Friedrich Krumnow and his communards moved onto their communal property before mid Under their rules, the commune was to provide housing, food and clothing to all members until they died.

Their first shelters were of canvas and bark, but they Herrnhut, Page 6 soon progressed, erecting simple wooden houses to live in, a timber school and other timber buildings for farm purposes.

They cleared and fenced their property, cultivated the land, and planted agricultural crops as well as vegetable and fruit gardens. They bought cattle, pigs and sheep, and learned about farming in Australia.

They worked very diligently because they were creating their utopia. According to a contemporary newspaper report, thanks to their personal exertions, aided by their energetic parson, the Rev.

Krumnow, and without any assistance from the Colonial Government, [they had] completed the erection of a very substantial stone church.

At the apex of the coping stone of the eastern gable a white marble cross three feet [0. Below, at the base of this gable, were heavy double entrance doors constructed of blackwood.

Above these doors, set against a glass panel, was 18GH Stone steps led to the octagon shaped pulpit, with its reading desk [and near] the Alter [sic] stood the baptismal font, carved from one piece of stone.

This old church had remarkable acoustic qualities - the resonance of a single voice seemed to fill the church with sound. They also dug a large dam to provide water for their stock, and as a lure to wild ducks and other birds which they then killed and ate.

They dug a complex series of ditches to reclaim some swampy ground. These well-planned ditches and the dam can still be seen, and the latter still holds water.

As new people arrived, Herrnhut grew to about 60 members who lived communally, sharing all money and property, although all power was retained by Krumnow.

They had a common kitchen and dining room. Coffee was their favourite beverage. These allegations of sexual impropriety at Herrnhut were passed along to other Pastors, and slowly became public knowledge and accepted wisdom.

They were well-fed and reasonably content. They built substantial stone houses to replace their small timber shacks, and a degree of comfort crept in, despite their hard farm work and strict religious practice.

We should not be sorry to see a large increase of our Helvetian friends. He starved me out. People live on the land until they die and are maintained - get their food and clothing without wages, and work the land for their mutual benefit.

I would have remained on the land if Krumnow had not turned me out. Herrnhut communards supported themselves comfortably through raising sheep, growing grain, and selling milk and other farm produce to residents of Hamilton and to the miners on nearby goldfields.

They had a ready market for all their produce, and could compete very well against their Lutheran neighbours.

By selling the wool they got money to purchase clothing and other necessities. It was often a colourful life in the settlement of Herrnhut, as tramps and swagmen often dropped in, being greeted with hospitality and allowed to stay as long as they liked.

Herrnhut communards were happy, working together and becoming competent farmers, so their property comfortably supported them and their numerous visitors.

The s were the high point of Herrnhut commune. We were very happy in those days - no pain or trouble seemed to bother us, plenty of everything, a good warm bed to sleep in.

In the ploughing time we used to get up early to get the cows and bring father the horses. Then we would feed the cows.

Then the men fed the horses. Then we would have breakfast, then prayers and then to work. Sunday we had always to ourselves.

They would be washed and placed in the pot Saturday night, then there would be nothing to do on Sunday after coming from Church, just run the hot water out of the fountain on to the potatoes and that was all the cooking that had to be done.

The meat would be cooked on Saturday. We used to have beetroot pickles with this cold meat. I used to spend a good deal of time reading [in] the schoolroom.

They did not ask us to help in the kitchen except for meal times. We would dry up the dishes for the cook.

All the cleaning was done on Saturday. Each of us used to do our part of work and we never once thought of jibing [baulking].

They used to use candles in those days in the schoolroom and I used to be quite glad of Saturday night when the brass candlesticks used to look nice and bright.

Mary [her sister] used to help Father to clean the books on Saturday afternoon. Over Aborigines sought protection at Herrnhut, while up to 30 homeless white men were said to have been at Herrnhut at one time.

After a time they could be received into the community, with the privileges of hard work, coarse food, and the possible share of a wife.

When one member died, an inquest was convened at which Friedrich Krumnow testified, I am the Moravian Minister of this place, the deceased was a member of the Society here.

He was taken ill on Tuesday last, we did not send for a doctor as our religious principles do not authorise the calling in of medical aid for any internal complaints, we would do so for a broken limb, or an external wound; if we had sent for a doctor in the present case, we would have been breaking the laws of our Church and the Rules of the Society - I was with the deceased on Thursday evening and gave him drink.

I did not think he was about to die, he could always eat his food, only the last three days - I would not have sent for a doctor even if I had thought he was in a dying state, we administer no medicine for any internal complaint.

If a brother was ill with an inward complaint, I do not believe that a doctor or medicine would prolong life or relieve him; it cannot be proved.

This was obviously not acceptable behaviour for a white man! A large bell was rung at 6 am for the prayers which started the workday.

Breakfast was at 7 and lunch at Members would then work till dark when a simple evening meal ended the day. Prayers were held in their church before each meal, and all members and visitors had to attend.

William Shannon, a Quaker, would often read the lessons in English for the benefit of visitors. Meals were eaten together, Herrnhut, Page 10 although Krumnow generally ate separately.

Krumnow was, in his opinion, a truly evil man. They would later return to Herrnhut where Louisa would succeed Krumnow as leader.

Meanwhile, Herrnhut was plagued with more prosaic problems than the romantic elopement of one of its young members with her school teacher.

Relations between Herrnhut and their more conventional neighbours was problematic and occasionally violent, they had lost several members, and the communal farm was no longer so prosperous, while their debts were increasing.

Women and young girls toiled in the fields early and late, some clothed only with an old sack - toiled as hard as any Negro slave.

Things were clearly deteriorating at Herrnhut in the mid s when the communards again demanded to see the legal title to the land which they believed to now be in their collective names, only to discover that Krumnow still held title in his own name rather than as a trustee for the community.

No doubt, Krumnow saw himself as holding this property in trust for the use of his communards. Several members left Herrnhut over this incident but the commune struggled on.

Krumnow was losing his grip on his followers, and the commune was beginning to break up. Hill Plain commune had been created in by Maria Heller, a German mystic, and her followers.

I believe that is as true as that there is a God in heaven. I am convinced the spirit of our Saviour converses with her in the same manner as is mentioned in the Bible.

That spirit of God speaks through her mouth when she is in one of those fits. In Australia they were to establish a religious commune, a utopia, with herself as leader.

Heller told her followers about Australia and what God had planned for their future. Herrnhut, Page 12 There, God orders, shall I lead you.

There, God prepares houses and land, already waiting for you on our arrival. There, we will dwell for ten years under our fig trees and vine, in abundance and peace, and prepare ourselves totally for His kingdom.

Then, once we are purified, I will lead you to the New Jerusalem which the Lord has rebuilt in the meantime, and later we will return to Germany, totally purified, as His one and only True Flock.

The arrival of Heller and about 30 of her followers in doubled the population of Herrnhut , and strained all resources. These two groups of communards were very different types of people, and the two leaders were even more different.

While Krumnow saw himself as a learned man, a rational and efficient manager, and used the title of Pastor, Heller was a non-rational mystic who received direct communications from God, and believed herself destined to be the mother of the new Christ.

The newly arrived Hill Plain communards altered the social and cultural life in the previously flagging Herrnhut.

Some of the performers have silver instruments. Two charismatic leaders in the one commune can be incendiary!

Krumnow and Heller both saw themselves as divinely inspired leaders, although in quite different ways so, not surprisingly, they did not get along in the same commune although their relationship had previously been amicable and supportive.

Prior to their arrival, there had been plenty of housing at Herrnhut but now they were overcrowded, underfed and facing financial ruin.

The improved church music was much appreciated but did not overcome all the other problems. Because of feuds between the two charismatic leaders, arguments and petty bickering between their followers, and the relative poverty at Herrnhut when compared to the prosperity around them, Heller and most of the ex-Hill Plain communards soon left Herrnhut, in bitter acrimony.

Herrnhut had incurred further debts through this disastrous episode, and the commune was now in a parlous financial state, as well as riddled with dissension.

As his health deteriorated through age and drink, Krumnow desperately tried to raise additional capital and find new recruits, but to no avail.

Herrnhut was down to about ten adults, all were ageing and in declining health - and all were thoroughly disillusioned with Krumnow. Johann Friedrich Krumnow died on October 3, , aged 69, and was buried next to their stone church.

He had led Herrnhut commune since its inception twenty-eight years earlier. The commune was burdened by debt. Herrnhut had ten adult members but, because all were either old or otherwise incapable of hard farm work, they had to rely on hired labour.

This optimistic assessment, however, was not to eventuate. They soon realised that the only way was to sell out and distribute the remaining assets between members.

The problem with this was that the land was still in the name of Johann Friedrich Krumnow, and he had left no will. It took several years of court battles and considerable legal expense to clear this land-title, while holding creditors at bay.

During that time, Herrnhut members followed communal principles as their debts increased, members aged, and the farm declined.

On that day Herrnhut commune, established back in , formally ceased to exist as a collective social Herrnhut, Page 14 and economic enterprise, and one of the strangest chapters in Australian social history was closed.

Metcalf and B. Huf, Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, to be released in early My appreciation is extended to Betty Huf and Melbourne University Press for permission to reproduce some material from that book.

Press, , p. The best overview of Moravian history is G. Brauer, op. James, The Argus, April 18, , p. Metcalf and T. Huf, op.

I suggest that we look at the changes as examples of unavoidable self-correction that removed obstacles preventing further developments.

Since the late 60s the kibbutz ceaselessly transformed its structure. Urbanization is the appropriate concept to describe this process, which developed out of the educational and industrial revolution the kibbutz underwent in those years.

Although agriculture was still advancing successfully, industry, services, crafts and administration began to offer a greater variety of jobs.

In the economic sphere there is a reduction in the share of income from agriculture, while at the same time the variety of occupations providing other sources of income, keeps growing.

More people find their living out side the community, increasing the number of commuters. The resulting differences in ownership of property, and in social, cultural and human capital turn the community into a more stratified one.

In interpersonal relations there is a transition from a community-centered life to a home centered life. Instead of face-to-face interaction and friendship there is a shift to formal relations and alienation.

Mutual commitment and help gives way to more egocentric behavior. As cultivated fields become real estate and new buildings are constructed densely, style of life changes.

More cars and roads fill the landscape and the consumption of urban goods and social-cultural events increases. Removing the Obstacles that Prevent Continuation of the Urbanization Process in the Kibbutz Main changes in the economic sphere During the 70s and 80s the productive branches changed from being agriculturally to industrially centered.

From the 90s on, the amount of income produced by economic enterprises of the kibbutz declined, as a growing share of income derived from the salaries of members working outside the kibbutz.

Small businesses on the kibbutz are emerging in growing numbers. Conceptual changes brought about formal collective decisions.

Past restrictions on employment of non-kibbutz members were removed. Formerly A kibbutz paid a fine to the Kibbutz Artzi Federation for every non-kibbutz worker employed.

In some kibbutzim the economic coordinator had to receive permission from the General Assembly to take on a new employee, a requirement no longer in existence.

Younger kibbutz members working in kibbutz industry, fill administrative and managerial posts. Table 1. Men and Women in their Branch of Work prc.

It also casts light upon the change in the occupational structure for both genders: For men the decrease of agriculture in favor of industrialization, small businesses and administrative jobs.

Women entered those branches in smaller numbers as they moved out of education and semi-home services. This enlarged their occupational repertoire.

The percentage of males and females employed outside the kibbutz is quite similar; although the type of branch they work in jobs they perform are different.

In small kibbutz enterprises women make up the majority of staff, increasing their earning capacity as they enter into the paid-work sector in growing numbers.

Stratification of the communal community Kibbutz researchers raised the issue of stratification as soon as the industrialization process began Zamir, Adar, pointed out that kibbutz members perceive a kibbutz occupational prestige scale, that coincides with unequal rewards at kibbutz jobs.

Ben-Rafael argued that although kibbutz stratification does not meet Marxian definition of classes, the complexity of kibbutz society proves it to be a stratified society.

Rosolio describes the new kibbutz as having at least four different strata: kibbutz members, hired employees, temporary residents and permanent residents who rent apartments on the kibbutz.

The deepening of stratification is no longer in question, its indicators are: 1. Differential salaries 2. Individual consumption replacing the communal treasury.

Plans for distributing kibbutz collective estates between its members. Homes and apartments would become private.

Building of new neighborhoods whose dwellings will be sold to individuals from outside the kibbutz. This route to demographic increase, is aimed at bringing about an economic and social renaissance and since was taken by many moshavim.

Hoping to renew their fading communities, kibbutzim decided to follow in the path of moshavim. Kibbutzim willing to give up their prior character as a small rural and communal community they could then grow into big neighborhoods serving as dormitories for their inhabitants.

The new neighborhoods will accelerate the urbanization process and demographically and geographically change the kibbutz from a village settlement into a suburb.

People now dress well for work, and fewer wear blue-collar outfits. Meals are considered a private activity, as is cultural consumption.

Clubs and Discos exist on most kibbutzim, but concerts, cinema, theater and weddings are held outside the kibbutz. Jewish festivals and holiday celebrations are fading out.

Large homes and private parking spaces for cars owned by kibbutz members have become status symbols. More over, these normative changes express the unwillingness of the individual to give up his needs for the special needs of some-one else.

Other reasons advanced reflected the race after economic rewards and occupational advancement. Table 2. The Family unit Structural changes in the kibbutz family occurred through the 90s.

High marriage and birth rates characterized agrarian kibbutz society, as did low age of marriage and low divorce rate.

The frequency of children per family was 4. The mean number was 3. In a society where the extended family is the main element in its structure, high birth rates guarantee its future.

Before the present crisis the number of extended families was growing and the familistic discourse was central. This strong sense of commitment to the family was shared primarily among women, who preferred it above other options for selfactualization.

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